Preferred Citation: Harrison, Cynthia. Berkeley: University of California Press, c In a female newspaper reporter covering the presidential campaign pressed John Kennedy Unsatisfied women in seattle contact number compare his wife, Jacqueline, to Eleanor Roosevelt.
Kennedy responded with an accusation: "Oh," he parried, "you're one of those feminists! The future president had resorted to an epithet; no matter how devoted to the quest for women's rights and improvements in women's status, female leaders between World War II and the mid s shunned the label feminist.
At the end of the war, the National Federation of Business and Professional Women's Clubs was supporting a program comprising the Equal Rights Amendment, equal pay legislation, the abolition of employment discrimination, and the appointment of women to high governmental positions.
Yet in its president, Margaret Hickey, announced, "The days of the old, selfish, strident feminism are over. In March a writer in the New York Times Magazine declared, "Feminism, which one might have supposed as dead as the Polish question, is again an issue.
The emergence of a broadly based feminist movement at the end of the sixties produced legislation mandating equal treatment for women in education and in credit, eliminating criminal penalties for abortion, changing prejudicial rape laws, banning discrimination against pregnant women, equalizing property distribution at divorce, and offering tax credits for childcare.
Local consciousness-raising groups made innumerable women aware of the social and political forces that had constrained the roles they had "chosen.
Advocates of feminism ushered in an age of reordered relationships between the sexes and endorsed a striking transformation of the educational and employment patterns of women.
Yet the first federal legislation to prohibit sex discrimination in employment was enacted inthree years before the founding of the National Organization for Women NOW. A presidential order to eliminate selection by sex in the federal civil service, the nation's largest employer, predated the feminist organization by four years.
And the first "consciousness-raising" group, a presidential commission to investigate the status of women, began its activities five years before the founding of NOW. All these events took place during the presidency of John F.
Kennedy, a man not heretofore characterized as an advocate of women's rights and, by his own disclaimer, no feminist. The Kennedy administration's agenda for women was rooted in the post-war era fifteen years earlier.
Senior swingers axat War II had infused discussion of women's roles with new energy.
Throughout the war, in order to win support for the defense effort, the government had emphasized national ideals of justice and equality.
The contributions of women made many believe that the nation owed them a share in these ideals, some gesture of recognition in the particular form of legislation—an equal rights amendment to the Constitution or, less radical, an equal pay law.
But a longing for the social stability that had supposedly characterized the prewar world dominated the national consciousness and worked against the impulse to recognize women's individual achievements.
Americans wanted to reestablish traditional family arrangements at work and at home.
Government policy, implemented midwar, turned from urging women to take war jobs toward ejecting women from those places so that they—both the jobs and the women—would be available to the homecoming soldiers. Economic events sabotaged these plans. Postwar inflation led even married women to want to remain in the labor force, despite their having to move to lower-paying sex-segregated work to do so.
Because the clerical and service sectors of the workforce, reserved largely for women workers, expanded. And married women, for their part, eagerly accepted the places.
Even so, labor subcommittee Lady seeking sex tonight florence roebling James Tunnell D-Del.
In15 percent of wives worked outside the home; by Postwar politics concerning women reflected the ambivalence in espousing one set of goals reinstatement of the "traditional" family and acting on another using the employment of married women to improve family financial security.
Married women moved into the public arena with determination, both during the war and after, but confronted legal and economic discrimination.
Leaders of women's groups sought to help, and policy measures to assist working women, to eliminate legal disabilities, and to study the "problems" caused by new styles of family living won more support than ever before.
But they also elicited ificant opposition. The fifteen-year period of postwar consolidation proved inhospitable to policy initiatives on women's issues. Byhowever, the anxiety associated with wartime dislocation which had so hobbled women had been replaced by a new set of fears.
When in the U. Americans worried whether their nation would be able to meet the challenge of its chief international rival. Had devotion to a stable family life resulted in a complacent and insular society vulnerable to the threat of Russian domination?
The energetic liberalism of the administration of John F. Kennedy, elected in on a pledge to "get the country moving again," promised to meet the challenge, both at home and abroad. If America was to prove superior in the contest for the planet, all Parejas swingers en memphis resources would have to be exploited—including, as it turned out, the capacities of women.
Kennedy's commitment to orchestrate and direct social change provided the setting for the policy departure in women's issues but did not determine its specific nature.
For these particulars he relied on his team in the Department of Labor, a group who in turn took their lead from the coalition of women's organizations and labor unions that had formulated a plan following. World War II to Butte mt sexy women women into the peacetime labor force.
Their program dovetailed with the administration's other goals: U. When he was inaugurated, Kennedy himself did not specifically intend to implement a program that would initiate federal intervention on behalf of women's equality in the private sector, raise their expectations, create activist networks, and legitimate women's demands for action.
But the actions of his administration had that impact. The Kennedy administration provided both a psychological foundation and a structural basis for the organization of the first women's rights group of the new era. The movement for women that blossomed at the end of the sixties sprang from the combination of long-standing discrimination in the law and in practice, changes in women's lives brought about by increasing Spanking massage garden grove in the workforce, the activism of civil rights advocates, and liberal politics.
This book looks at the evolution of policy concerning women's issues in the period between World War II and the rise of the women's movement at the end of the s—an era in which women's issues were not "salient.
Yet between and a departure in policy took place, marked by a sudden aggressive implementation of specific initiatives deed to enlarge opportunities for women. Examination of this issue can be taken as a case study of sorts, one that demonstrates that important policy changes can occur, given an appropriate political and social context and savvy political actors, even if no widespread social movement demands them, and that these changes can then encourage the development of such a movement.
Without broad-based support, however, the dimension of such changes will be limited. The study also reveals how political tactics can take advantage of historical moments to foster Call girl malay reading attainment of specific goals; conversely, we see that maladroit political decisions can retard their achieve.
This book examines the specific case of policy measures on behalf of women's rights, but at the same time it evaluates generally the practicality and impact of a variety of strategies common to groups seeking to improve their own condition.
Lady seeking sex tonight florence roebling tradition dictated that women, especially married women, keep house and raise children, not put rivets into airplane fuselages.
Although this study takes policy making on all women as its subject, the actors in the story are primarily Free chat lines in shelby, middle-class white women. From this group came those who were able to procure the skills, the position, and oftentimes the leisure to address policy questions, either as officials of civic organizations representing similarly placed women or as unionists championing women they perceived to have fewer advantages than themselves.
In seeking measures to help women, these leaders followed the pattern of black activists fighting for constitutional amendment, legislation, executive orders, and court decisions. During World War II the hypocrisy of a nation that fought the notion of racial superiority abroad while upholding a system of racial stigmatization at home had grown too apparent to ignore.
That black and white Americans were doing the fighting in racially segregated battalions only heightened the irony. After the war a vigorous civil rights movement emerged that, with few overt connections to the interest groups acting on behalf of women, provided models of strategies and opportunities for policy change.
Black women leaders participated in the deliberations about women's issues at crucial points, but they in general saw racism as the chief foe.
Ideas, more than individuals, linked the civil rights movement and the small group of women working for women's rights in Washington between and White policy makers recognized that black women suffered from discrimination based on race and class as well as sex, and they framed a few measures directed specifically to the plight of black women.
All assumed, however, that, by and large, policy initiatives phrased neutrally would help black women as well as white. A few measures did aim specifically at the plight of black women. Chapter 1 looks at the renewed fight for the Equal Rights Amendment ERA in the immediate postwar period, chapter 2 at one alternative suggested by ERA opponents, and chapter 3 at the proposal for Backpage rosemead sex pay legislation, offered by ERA adversaries as an appropriate approach to women's employment problems.
All these efforts were unsuccessful. Chapter 4 discusses the strategy of executive appointments employed by Presidents Harry Truman and Dwight Eisenhower, by which they hoped to persuade women that the party in power had a genuine interest in their welfare.
Part Two, "Moving Again," presents the Kerry clacton on sea dating for women's issues of the end of "postwar politics" and the resurgence of liberalism.
Chapter 5 analyzes Kennedy's politics and his administration's approach to formulating policy about women. The policy change had its source in the Women's Bureau, which determined the content of the new program.
Only one measure required the cooperation of Congress: chapter 6 details the administration's achievement of an equal pay law, the first piece of legislation to limit sex discrimination in private employment. The President's Commission on the Status of Women, the centerpiece of Kennedy's program on women's issues and its most ificant outcome, is the subject of Part Three.
The commission finessed the problem of the Equal Rights Amendment that had divided women's organizations for forty years, a story told in chapter 7. As a result, women leaders could forge a unified agenda for action on behalf of women, as chapter 8 describes, for the first time since suffrage.
The president's commission proved to be the starting point for governmental discussions of women's status that continued for at least two decades.
Part Four surveys the impact of the president's Wife want hot sex skaneateles. The viewpoint of Kennedy's successor, the implementation of the commission's proposals, and the forging of a women's network are discussed in chapter 9.
Chapter 10 describes the interaction of the many events that led to the creation of the National Organization for Women. The combination of federal solicitude toward women, a strategic opening provided by a civil rights measure, conflicts in attitude among key players, and. The conclusion considers the impact of federal policy on social change and of political pressure groups on federal policy.
It also offers an assessment of political strategies that seek to encourage social change in inhospitable times. Throughout the writing of this book I have been the recipient of the generosity of dozens of colleagues and friends.
It gives me great pleasure to acknowledge them here. Archivists and librarians across the country helped with proficiency, cheer, and patience to fill seemingly endless requests for documents quickly and accurately. I would like to give particular thanks to the staffs of Sexy asian morphett vale Franklin D.
Roosevelt Library, the Harry S. Eisenhower Library, the John F. The Women's Bureau of the U. Department of Labor provided desk space and good company for many months while I went through the papers of the President's Commission on the Status of Women.
I am deeply appreciative to its devoted personnel, particularly Ruth Shinn. Kent Weaver, Judith S. A of particularly kind colleagues deserve special thanks for the heroic effort of reading more than one draft of this manuscript and enduring extended discussions about it: Cindy Aron, Patricia Cooper, Jo Freeman, Barbara Melosh, and Asian massage maroubra city Rupp.
John Gist not only read and commented; he also made the unique sacrifice of listening to several sections read aloud. Rovilla McHenry typed a large part of the final manuscript under pressure of time, but with abundant good humor and consummate skill.
I am very grateful to her and to Judy Caruthers, who solved a major production problem. They have assisted my revision of this manuscript through their liberal contribution of equipment and space, as well as by providing an intellectually stimulating and supportive collegial environment.
My gratitude to the Brookings Institution is profound. As a research fellow, I received both its financial and intellectual support. The staff in the library Laura Walker and Susan McGraththe computer center, and the administrative offices made every effort to accommodate my many requests.
I wish above all to thank Martha Derthick, Gilbert Y. Steiner, James Sundquist, and Diane Hodges for countless instances of assistance and encouragement.
Generous financial aid came also from the U. Department of Labor, which funded many of my traveling expenses, and from the Harry S. William E. Leuchtenburg directed the dissertation from which this manuscript has emerged.
Certainly it ought not to come up during the Lady seeking sex tonight florence roebling days of the session.
He paid the closest attention to my work, improving it in every respect. His consistent responsibility to his students in his efforts to teach them to write history reveals the highest devotion to his calling as a teacher.💭❤️ MISS ME Spell Without Ingredients: Chant to Make Him Think of Me!
Naomi Schneider at the University of California Press has shepherded this manuscript through the editorial process with.
I am indebted to her for her encouragement and her friendship. I also want to thank Ruthanne Lowe for preparing the index and Anne Geissman Canright for her exceptionally careful and intelligent editing—and her tact. Barbara Ras has overseen the production with kindness and efficiency.
Peg Yorkin, in a wonderful gesture of support for scholarship on the history of women, made a gracious donation to the University of California Press to assist its publication of this book.
I wish also to express my deep appreciation to the women and men who played a part in the story I tell and who generously made available to me their written records and their recollections. No one helped me more than Richard J. From the beginning, he valued my work and he sustained this endeavor in countless ways.
I dedicate this book to him with deepest thanks. World War II put women into work they had never done before. Highly skilled and highly paid, women workers producing war materiel demonstrated that they could do virtually any job. Hot women seeking fucking widow dating information proved unsettling.
American tradition dictated that women, especially married women, keep house and raise children, not put rivets into airplane fuselages.
The nation was at once grateful to its women for their help and unnerved at how well they performed. But they faced a resistance strengthened by the anxieties of wartime dislocation.
The federal government had enticed women into the labor force for war work. Federal funds helped communities take care of the children, and the National War Labor Board promised equal pay with men, declaring wage differentials based on sex impermissible partly to lure women to work and partly to keep wage rates up in preparation for the GIs' return.
Work and love went together—but only for the duration. Advertisers who included working moms in their made it clear that Mom was. Now, she had to take care of her kids not directly but by doing war work. As Maureen Honey describes it, "The role allocated to women in wartime propaganda, then, was a complicated mixture of strength and dependence, competence and vulnerability, egalitarianism and conservatism.
In response to patriotism and new opportunities, the female labor force swelled from thirteen million in to nineteen million and more in By March of that year, almost one-third of all women over the age of fourteen were in the labor force, and the s of women in industry had increased almost percent, to one woman worker in three.
The opportunities created by the war allowed women to leave domestic service jobs: between and the percentage of working women who held domestic jobs dropped from Still, more than half of women who worked during the war held clerical, sales, service, or domestic jobs.
These women did their duty, but they faced many burdens. The of childcare facilities never approached the need, areas with military personnel lacked adequate schools, housing was scarce near military installations and defense plants, and few businesses adjusted hours to accommodate women workers.
Even with all these difficulties, however, policy makers were concerned that women in nontraditional jobs would not willingly relinquish them at the end of the war. As a result, government propaganda, midwar, did an about-face. Because the original exhortations to women to do war work had never challenged the core of ideas about femininity, because no one had suggested that work was more than a sacrifice women had willingly made for the most motherly of reasons, the shift was an easy one.
The message was clear: although women could do anything, authentic women would choose to be home with their families.
Women's magazines fell in line with the government's efforts and spotlighted articles on the importance of mothers caring for their children.
Public opinion polls, however, revealed that between 60 and 85 percent of women engaged in war work did not want to leave their nontraditional jobs at the end of the conflict. The contraction of war materiel manufacturing alone displaced workers, Hot mom spokane valley and female, without further ado.
Employers also began now to revise their judgment of their women workers: in the postwar version of the tale, they had not been very good after all, prone to high absenteeism and "bad attitudes.
Those women who had them lost their high-paying, high-skilled jobs, but the attempt to get women out of the workforce entirely did not succeed. The dismantling of war industries merely coned these women once again to traditionally female occupations.
Companies laid women off at a rate 75 percent greater than that for men, and the returning veterans reassumed the traditionally male jobs. The director of the Women's Bureau, Frieda Miller, suggested that women who had been laid off from the munitions industry look to the lower-paying service sector for employment 8 —which, given no other options, they did.
Thus, although 3. But Rosie the Riveter had become a file clerk. Practical considerations had dictated the ejection of women from wartime employment: returning soldiers needed jobs. Americans worried about the return of the biting depression that had preceded the war.
Then, jobs for "he of households" had taken priority. Intense opposition to married women workers had resulted even in occasional legal bans against hiring them, and in some families in which the wife had been the sole wage earner husbands had suffered acute emotional distress.
In the twelve months following Junenine million military personnel were discharged, and policy makers now sought to ensure that the former GIs would not be displaced by. But a still more insidious backlash emerged following the war, separate from the economic considerations resolved in part by women's relinquishing their jobs.
As the psychiatrist Edwin Krause and the novelist Pearl Buck had both warned, by making them the beneficiaries of the heroic male warriors, the war caused a major setback for women.
Popular literature counseled women to forget their own needs in order to make their beaux more comfortable, and articles advised them to cultivate feminine characteristics, eschewing the independence, assertiveness, and competency they had acquired from their experiences on the home front.
The anxiety of readjustment translated into a desire for the reinstitution of traditional family life supported by traditional sex roles.
Everyone wanted to forget the trauma of the war, including the evidence that women could perform the work of men. A survey of women's roles as portrayed in magazine fiction in showed careers for women depicted more unsympathetically than since the turn of the century.
Women themselves sought the peace and pleasures of marriage Mom son sex kwinana motherhood. The marriage Free manchester new hampshire girls dating personals, which had averaged per thousand during the war, peaked at per thousand inand the median marriage age for women fell more than a year, from More than ever before, women were trying for both work and love.
Pushed out of high-paying "men's jobs," they acquiesced to doing women's work at home and in the office. One group of women—the small and elite cadre that composed the leadership of national women's organizations—recognized both the vulnerability that women workers labored under and.
If World War II created a backlash that coerced women out of war jobs and into white-collar work, it also generated a feeling of gratitude toward these women for the contribution they had made to the war effort, one no less essential than the military commitment.
In OctoberPresident Harry Truman offered them some recognition:. Since the earliest days of settlement and the beginnings of this great Republic of ours, American women have built for themselves a proud record of achievement, of unselfish devotion to the public welfare, of courageous industry in advancing every good cause.
And never have they done a more magnificent job than during the crisis of recent years, both as private citizens and responsible public officials. To the women of America, I say—your untiring efforts to speed the winning of the war, your tender care and skilled nursing of those struck down on the battlefield, your passionate belief in the possibility of a just and lasting Canning vale bikini sex, and your effective work in advancing that great cause, need no tribute from me to make them shine as one of the glorious s in our history.
Women leaders hoped to capitalize on such String bikini contests to win at least some protection for the worker once heralded as "the woman behind the man behind the gun.
But these activists disagreed about the best goal to pursue, a controversy already more than two decades old. The break among women's groups had taken place shortly after women, inwon the right to vote. By the old suffrage coalition had split into three separate, though overlapping, interest groups, each with a different but not necessarily incompatible agenda determined by ideology and class identification: one group pursued legislation for working women, one sought an equal rights amendment to the Constitution and the third aimed at securing a more prominent place for women in political parties.
The first group had roots going back to the settlement movement of the s and the Progressive-era push for protective labor legislation for women.
Middle-class women concerned about the welfare of their underclass sisters working in factories had formed organizations to improve conditions for industrial.
These organizations—especially the National Women's Trade Union League and the National Consumers League—persuaded the federal government to undertake a massive study of working conditions of women and children, which was published in They used the data collected to promote state laws applying to women establishing minimum wages, maximum hours, weight restrictions on lifting, and prohibitions Keighley red light district prostitute night work.
This effort to prevent employers from mercilessly exploiting women workers succeeded to some degree in nearly every state. Sustained by a liberal ideology of participation in government, active public intervention to assist those in need, and a firm belief in the American institutions of enlightened and regulated free enterprise, these reformers fought for suffrage as a means by which women could protect themselves and their families.
This same group also persuaded federal administrators to establish a "Women in Industry Service" during World War I to protect women who entered defense work, and in Congress responded to pressure to make the new agency permanent: it became the Women's Bureau, located within the Department of Labor.
With all players believing that both government and private industry would respond to demonstrated needs of workers, the bureau's function was restricted to the collection of information about women workers. Yet the organizations that had been instrumental in creating the Women's Bureau looked to it to provide not only information but also leadership.
Not every organization was involved in every issue, and other groups occasionally participated on specific mat. The coalition lacked key groups, however, especially major labor organizations and political clubs.
Isolated from power centers both inside the government and outside and handicapped by a politically maladroit director, Mary Anderson who headed the bureau for almost twenty-five yearsthe bureau had difficulty swaying policy makers.
During World War II, the Women's Bureau coalition had sought essentially to make sure that employers did not use the war emergency as a way of vitiating standards for women workers. At the end of the war, although they looked with some distress on the wholesale dispatch of the female labor force, these organizations agreed with the general goal that married women should be supported by their husbands, who would be earning decent salaries doing men's work.
For the women who had to stay in the labor force, the coalition sought to maintain or expand laws regarding work hours and minimum wage protections.
The second group of women activists, smaller and more elite, grew out of the last stages of the suffrage fight in the s, when it splintered from the National American Woman Suffrage Association NAWSAthe group leading the battle for the vote in the mainstream liberal political tradition.
Headed by Alice Paul, a charismatic militant suffragist, the National Woman's party NWP used highly visible and inflammatory demonstrations to get suffrage on the front s of the nation's newspapers.
The more traditional-minded leadership of the NAWSA feared that such actions would hurt the cause by creating a backlash, but sheer rivalry also played a role in the antagonism between the two New victorville escorts service. Friction appeared again early in the s over Paul's decision to introduce an amendment to the Constitution to guarantee women complete legal equality with men.
The Women's Bureau coalition objected that the amendment would decimate the protective labor laws they had worked so hard to obtain, thus leaving working women defenseless.
The NWP was not unsympathetic; composed largely of women of wealth and unusual educational attainment and concerned chiefly about the right of women to work as professionals, it initially sought a compromise that would.
But these attempts proved futile, and the NWP ultimately took the position that laws only Pully tantric massage women did more harm than good.
The party argued variously that all labor laws should apply to both sexes or Sex surrogate therapy crewe labor laws were flat-out undesirable, the latter view reflecting the conservative political philosophy of many NWP members who opposed government interference in private enterprise.
Neither presidential candidate had announced in favor of the ERA, although the Democratic candidate, Al Smith, was certainly against it, being an ardent enthusiast of protective labor laws.
Throughout the s and s, the NWP persuaded several women's organizations to support the ERA and to separate themselves from the advocates of protective legislation. But the NWP insisted on retaining leadership in the battle.
Paul was not interested in a mass-based group; rather, she sought to create a Washington-based "elite vanguard," single-mindedly devoted to the pursuit of the ERA and willing to follow her directions.
The membership of the NWP endorsed her de. Almost all had participated in the suffrage battle, and the group made little attempt to recruit new members.
By party membership—which, it claimed, had ed ten thousand in the s—had fallen to four thousand, even by its own highly inflated figures; only some six hundred paid annual dues.
The party's intense devotion to its single cause did indeed make it influential out of proportion to its s. A third group of political women held itself somewhat aloof from this battle, pursuing a different goal. This contingent had appeared after the achievement of suffrage in —in fact, in response to it.
These women had become active in the national political parties' governing bodies, the Democratic National Committee DNC and the Republican National Committee RNCand they were committed to seeing that women quickly attained their share of power within these political structures.
Moreover, they wanted women appointed to Small dundee girl sex positions because they believed both that women appointees would improve government and that appointments of women would potentially benefit all women.
They were supported by women in state party organizations and by female journalists, who viewed the of women political appointees as an index of an administration's interest in women's advancement.
In the s the political party women were indistinguishable from Free classifieds billings bath Women's Bureau coalition, and both they and the ERA proponents opposed the discriminatory features of the National Recovery Administration codes and discrimination against women workers during the Great Depression.
If class made a difference in support for the ERA, race apparently did not. Black women's organizations split over the amendment along the same lines white women's associations did.
One member warned against the council's being led astray by the promise of equal rights: "We are being rocked to sleep by a trick phrase—one dear to us as to other underprivileged groups, and therefore calculated to dull our ability for discriminating between what is good and what appears to be good.
Representatives from black women's organizations often took part in meetings arranged by the Women's Bureau coalition and were more visible fighting the amendment than favoring it. Many factors were at work here. The Women's Bureau coalition was more hospitable to black women than was the National Woman's party, which purposively narrowed its membership and its goals.
The Women's Bureau coalition identified black women, as it did working women, as a special group requiring its assistance in the fight for economic opportunities. On some occasions, the white, middle-class women's organizations making up the Women's Bureau coalition even undertook to combat racism as a separate endeavor.
Thus, black women felt more empathy from these white women. The NWP, in contrast, had no interest in civil rights for blacks, except when it could insist that women be included, for the sake of equity, in governmental measures aimed at racial discrimination.
Further, the NWP, which accepted ERA proponents of all persuasions, had a wide tolerance for racists, and Paul herself frequently expressed racist sentiments. When convenient, the NWP used racist arguments to persuade Southerners to favor the ERA—that white women should not be denied rights accorded to black men.
Such a ploy would hardly make the organization appealing to black women. But these considerations had a secondary role in determining black women's response to this struggle.
Erotic encounter russellton pennsylvania position was clear: equal rights for women was a secondary issue; every black women's group considered the fight against racism its primary battle, more so since World War II, which had offered unprecedented opportunities for black women and men, as for white women.
Black women were able to give up domestic jobs for higher-paying factory positions, and the of black workers in government service more than tripled. War jobs encouraged blacks to move from rural areas in the South to Northern cities, and although the new mix of population often elicited. The clashes brought the endemic problem of racism once again to the foreground, however, as did the treatment of black men in the armed services.
Blacks disproportionately ed the military, and discrimination there seemed scorchingly hypocritical in view of the fact that American troops were fighting German racial supremacists.
The fight for civil rights for blacks and the struggle on behalf of women remained separate, however. Little overlap existed in the personnel engaged in these efforts, although both drew on the same liberal ideology.
ERA supporters saw opportunities whenever the government appeared to move toward helping blacks, and both the Women's Bureau coalition and the National Woman's party found useful models for federal action in black activist strategies.
But virtually everyone engaged in these efforts in the postwar period saw crucial distinctions between discrimination based on sex and that based on race.
All women activists shared the view that discrimination against women based on crude ideas of masculine superiority had to be eliminated, but the split between the ERA advocates and the Women's Bureau coalition itself reflected the general ambivalence toward women's roles.
Both groups were trapped by the apparent verity that only women could care adequately for children. The Women's Bureau coalition tried to resolve the conflict between independence for women and motherhood; the NWP did not address it.
The intensity of the disagreement between them came less from practical considerations than from the difference in the way each Sunny escort taylor handled this issue.
Although both sought to improve the way that women were treated in the public arena, the people associated with the Women's Bureau argued that women's special function in the world—to nurture families and society—ultimately took precedence over the need for individual opportunity.
In their view, the American legal tradition rightly acknowledged the unique role of women by differentiation in the law. Ideally, this group believed, no married woman with small children would work.
Rose Schneiderman of the National Women's Trade Union League had remarked in that women who wanted to work under the same conditions as men "might be putting their own brothers or sweethearts, or husbands out of a job. Inside these boundaries, however, the Women's Bureau coalition sought to expand opportunities for women and to eradicate many forms of outright economic and legal discrimination.
They advocated entrance into the professions on an equal basis with men and asserted that the state had an obligation to guarantee the right of women to be rewarded according to their merits.
They did not, however, concern themselves with the problems of women professionals, whom they believed could fend for themselves. The National Woman's party, conversely, believed that every public activity befitting men was acceptable for women and that, indeed, it was desirable for all women to have careers.
The party did not view woman as frail, in need of special protection, and largely passed over the fact the most women worked in low-paying jobs and had neither the resources nor the education to become professionals.
Since many in the NWP's leadership were conservatives who opposed statutory interference in private enterprise, they further contended that the ERA rendered any additional legislation for women unnecessary. Like the Women's Bureau coalition, the NWP considered childrearing a woman's task, but it did not address the problem of how a woman could reconcile motherhood and professional responsibilities.
Many party members had simply chosen not to marry; others ran households with the assistance of paid help. The internal contradictions within each group's philosophy, created by the intractable problem of childcare responsibility, undermined the possibility that either could succeed in gaining its objectives, even if the social setting Downtown avondale incall escorts receptive.
The Women's Bureau coalition sought equal wages for women workers and access to higher-paying jobs, but at the same time it claimed a need for special protection for those workers.
Employers quickly agreed that women workers needed special consideration, but they used that rationale to discriminate against them in wages and responsibility.
For its part, the NWP asserted without convincing evidence that the ERA would eliminate the need for further legislation to give women equality of pay and job opportunity.
The NWP took no of extralegal causes of discrimination. So long as social norms decreed that women held the chief responsibility for childrearing and homemaking—a point the NWP did not contest—employers could justify differential treatment on the basis that a woman's commitment to work was limited as a man's was not.
Thus, each plan of action addressed only a portion rather than the whole of the complex problem of women's status.
In the postwar period the argument over women's roles played itself out in Congress as well. The National Woman's party, advocating the Equal Rights Amendment, took the offensive, while the Women's Bureau coalition played defense.
The battle over the Equal Rights Just want to b soilef dominated the politics of women's rights and opportunities in postwar Washington.
Interested players either took sides in favor or against or else they ducked by supporting ostensibly neutral alternative measures that were in fact thinly disguised attempts to scuttle the amendment. But one way or the other, the ERA held center stage.
For both adherents and opponents, a bold question awaited decision, especially in the aftermath of women's wartime contribution: were women now to be viewed as autonomous individuals, or did they remain tied in a special way to the family, essentially dependent on the protection of both husband and state?
Shortly before the war, the ERA had made some ificant progress. The following year, the Senate Judiciary Committee reported it, although without recommendation, to the floor of the Senate, the first time the amendment had reached the floor of either house since its introduction in It was quickly recommitted.
The Senate Judiciary Committee again approved it, twelve to four, in Maywith a request for early and favorable action. The original amendment considered in had read: "Men and women shall have equal rights throughout the United States and in every place subject to its jurisdiction"; in order to bring the language in line with the Nineteenth Amendment granting women the right to suffragethe Judiciary South boston neked girls adopted alternative wording provided by Alice Paul.
The new proposed amendment ran: "Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on of sex.
The amendment's advocates Malaysian san francisco girls sex the wartime esteem for the competent woman and stepped up their lobbying efforts. A coalition of.
NCDURA counseled its members to urge legislators to vote both in favor of the equal pay bill and against the ERA, and Mary Anderson, the ERA's Lady seeking sex tonight florence roebling who had reed the year before, at age seventy-two, as director of the Women's Bureauherself chaired the new equal pay committee and drew up the bill.
The NWP orchestrated an intense lobbying campaign in Congress and within the political parties, dominating the movement for the ERA—sometimes to the annoyance of the other organizations involved. But if the NWP insisted on the authority, it also shouldered most of the administrative and financial burden.
The Women's Bureau led the counterattack. Anderson had begun her working life inat age sixteen, as a stitcher in a shoe factory.
By she had been elected president of her local, and in she gave up her factory job to become a full-time organizer. The bureau had been created to help women function as wives and mothers even if their economic circumstances drove them into the workforce; Anderson saw the defeat of the ERA as her first responsibility.
A legal treatise drawn up at her request by the solicitor of the Department of Labor, Douglas B. Maggs, became the department's fundamental position paper on the subject. It warned of injury to women as wives and mothers should the ERA be added to the Constitution.
Ratification of the ERA, Maggs admonished, would unsettle the law for years. The extensive litigation would result, he was sure, in "highly undesirable" changes in the Social Security system; equal induction into the armed services; changes in workmen's compensation laws; upheaval in laws requiring husbands to support their families; and repeal of "reasonable protective legislation" with "consequent social loss.
He concluded his Hot gay men ipswich by asserting that a constitutional amendment that would nullify statutory differences "having a reasonable and rational factual basis" would lead to "social and legal consequences which even the proponents of the proposal would deplore if they had the candor to recognize them.
If the proposal is ratified it should be regarded as an unwholesome original development in the law.
Indeed, the two visions were irreconcilable. When Frieda Miller assumed leadership of the Women's Bureau after Anderson's retirement inshe pledged to continue the fight "with all the resources" at her command.
Before ing the government, Miller had worked in organizations concerned with the protection of working women, particularly the Women's Trade Union League. Her antipathy to the Equal Rights Amendment was therefore of long standing. Out in front on the issue, she called the amendment "radical, dangerous and irresponsible," its potential effects "calamitous.
Both she and other ERA opponents recognized, however, that they stood on vulnerable ground with only a negative campaign. Acknowledging that some laws did discriminate against women and that some labor statutes had outlived their utility, the bureau began to examine state codes.
Its mission was to find laws that needed to be eliminated and to identify those that continued to Tranny newcastle celeste women but that would be at risk under the ERA.
The bureau uncovered several of laws it defined as harmful to women; many limited the right of married women Twin escorts mount isa own and convey property, to make contracts, to establish domicile, to control bequests, and to Toowoomba ms speed dating parental authority.
The bureau recommended that state legislatures repeal these statutes. The National Women's party contended that elimination of laws one by one would take too long. It also attacked as a limitation on women's freedom such regulations as laws restricting work hours for women.
Good labor laws should be extended to both sexes, the NWP insisted, bad ones simply expunged. In response to the bureau assertion that the Fourteenth Amendment prohibited "unreasonable" laws, the NWP pointed out cor.
The momentum seemed to be with the National Woman's party and its wealthy, influential, single-minded members.
Indeed, from its inception enthusiasm for the amendment had been stronger among Republicans, and the argument that protective labor legislation would be affected won less sympathy from probusiness Republicans than from liberal Democrats. In representatives of the League of Women Voters, who had lobbied against the proposal in the platform committee, had dubbed its inclusion "the shock of the century," and a reporter for the New York Times had called the argument "the most extensive and portentous feminine controversy in the history of the country.
The Democrats, too, saw women earning a place for themselves as independent individuals and needed to encourage that position—at least for the duration of the war. Eleanor Roosevelt failed to speak against the amendment as she had inciting the confusion of the war and the uncertainties of the peace.
It was difficult to argue in favor of labor legislation to limit women's hours when men were dying on foreign battlefields. The Democrats also felt the pressure of the Republican pronouncement. Were Democrats less committed to equality for women?
The general disorganization of the opposition allowed ERA supporters, among them Perle Mesta and Emma Guffey Miller, a Democratic committeewoman from Pennsylvania and the sister of Senator Joseph Guffey, successfully to capitalize on women's war efforts.
The Democratic plank finally read: "We recommend to the Congress the submission of a constitutional amendment on equal rights for women.
Alarmed by the successes of ERA advocates, especially the platform victories, and fearing a Senate vote, the Women's Bureau.
The membership consisted principally of labor organizations and the national women's organizations making up the Women's Bureau coalition. NCDURA decided that in addition to lobbying against the ERA, it would set up local branches in each state to combat the ERA directly and to undermine its support by eliminating discriminatory state laws.
Because even members of this committee could not agree on which laws genuinely discriminated against women, that determination was left up to the state organizations. Although advocacy of individual rights had become identified, since the New Deal, with the liberal wing of the Democratic party, support for Manee milton massage Equal Rights Amendment in Congress came mostly from Republicans and conservative Democrats from the South and the Southwest.
On its face, the ERA was appealing—after all, it mandated equal treatment under law for half the population. Opposition to it, rather than support of it, required explanation, especially now that both parties had endorsed it.
In their own defense, opponents cited the threat to protective labor laws; but those legislators who were indifferent to the labor law question had little reason to contest their party's official position. So probusiness Republicans and antilabor Southern Democrats found themselves on the same side of the issue.
Advocacy of the Equal Rights Amendment served, too, as a defense against the accusation that the South opposed civil rights: some Southern legislators held that equality for white women ought to come before, or at the very least with, equality for black men and women.
The array of arguments concerning the ERA resulted in peculiar alliances on the issue: both the vigorously liberal Claude Pepper, a Democratic senator from Florida, and the ultraconservative Howard W. Smith, a Democratic representative from Virginia, favored the amendment.
But in general, conservatives, finding the arguments in Craigslist las cruses of free enterprise and individual opportunity especially appealing, tended to favor the amendment, whereas liberals, who espoused the idea that government had a positive responsibility to protect women and the family through regulation, were more likely to oppose the ERA.
For the moment, ERA advocates continued to carry the day. Citing the party platform pledges, the House Judiciary Committee in July reported the amendment favorably by a vote of fifteen to seven for the first time since its introduction twenty-one years before.
In an effort to quell the tide of support, Frances Perkins urged President Truman to meet with the opponents of the ERA; he agreed to see them in September. Administration aides trying to craft a position for the president felt besieged. Niles concurred: "This Equal Rights thing is dynamite which ever way you place it.
The president, he wrote, "plans to give some thought to the Equal Rights Amendment in the near future and is grateful for the careful analysis you have made of this problem. The measure now stood ready for a vote in both houses of Congress.
Supporters and opponents lobbied vigorously. Under the letterhead of the Industrial League for Equality an NWP creation deed to suggest labor support for the amendmentCongress members received a copy of a editorial by American Federation of Labor president Samuel Gompers asserting that the "industrial problems of women are not isolated, but inextricably associated with those of men.
When the roll was called in the Senate on July 19,the amendment won a majority—thirty-eight to thirty-five—but not the two-thirds majority needed for victory.
With twenty-three of the favorable votes Republican, plus two absentee Republicans recorded in favor, the total was one shy of two-thirds of the thirty-nine Republican senators.
Democrats made up fifteen of the pro votes, with two absent Democrats indicating their approval as well, ing for less than a third of the fifty-six Senate Democrats. Only four of the assenting Democrats were from states outside the South or Southwest.
Crushed by the loss, the NWP complained that the vote had come without advance notice, when several pro-ERA senators were away from Washington.
Several senators had promised that they would not vote in favor of the amendment in the future, NCDURA informed its membership, now that they knew more about its implications.
Times expressed its pleasure in an editorial: "Motherhood cannot be amended, and we are glad the Senate didn't try. The Times rightly marked motherhood as the central issue.
The failure of the ERA hinged not on the chance absence of its supporters but on the unwillingness of the nation as a whole to affirm the independent equality of women at a moment when the restoration of "normal" family life constituted a preeminent objective.
Still reeling from wartime and conversion upheaval, with industry unsettled by strikes and families fighting inflation, equal treatment for women in the public sphere seemed beside the point. Women were needed at home. But the impulse that had led to the ERA vote could not be entirely submerged.
Both equity and the place women had gained in the workforce supported the call for some response from the federal government.
The battle over the ERA went on through the next decade, a metaphor for the largely unacknowledged struggle being waged as women attempted to reconcile their home and public lives.
For activist women in Washington, the amendment continued to dominate the political scene, generating alternative legislative proposals, all of which suffered from the difficulty of coming to terms with the changing role of women.
In andthe respect engendered by women's performance during World War II had lent unprecedented energy to the fight for the Equal Rights Amendment. Even after Congress decided not "to amend motherhood," the New York Herald Tribunecalling the amendment "a measure of simple justice that is not to be denied," 1 predicted rightly that the ERA would reappear on the legislative docket.
Without missing a beat, the National Woman's party had begun to collect new statements of support from political figures, and in January John Robsion R-Ky.
The impulse toward women's equality, which had never really held the field, continued to dissipate, and the backlash, with its insistent message that women stay home, took stronger hold. If the ERA was out of step with that prescription, alternative proposals appeared no more effective at resolving the tension between women's two roles.
As part of the conservative reaction, women's magazines launched an attack on feminist ideas, following the lead of a book, Modern Woman: The Lost Sex. Its authors, Ferdinand Lundberg and Marynia Farnham, described feminism as Adult wants sex coto de caza california "deep illness," characterized by a hatred of men and a taste for lechery.
Women's quest for education, employment, and political power represented, they asserted, an attempt at symbolic castration. Rather than pursue such misbegotten goals, the healthy woman would choose to create a rewarding life for herself based on mothering and dependency, in tune with her biological and psy.
Although sociologists offered thoughtful counterarguments, these usually appeared in inaccessible scholarly journals. In any case, Lundberg and Farnham had struck the note of the times: women belonged at home. After fifteen years of depression and war, American women and men sought a haven in the home—stability, security, and the warmth of family in the place of uncertainty, fear, and loneliness.
No one had to force women into marriage and motherhood. Yet with only the briefest dip in the immediate postwar period, the of women employed continued to rise. Many women did not want Gay bathhouses in oldham united kingdom, or could not, leave the labor force to be full-time wives and mothers.
They voted with their feet in the postwar period and throughout the s, taking Older ladies in sunny side in the face of public disapproval but in the solid company of their peers.
Between andmarried women with husbands present and children between the ages of six and seventeen increased their labor force participation rate from They worked to buy food and pay the rent in the face of a staggering inflation rate, but they also sought an education for their children and a higher standard of living for the entire family.
Women also went back to school. Although the GI bill offered educational opportunities almost exclusively to men, and so the proportion of women in schools declined compared to men in several years, women made substantial gains.
The of women Ph. Chinese fylde escorts thanwomen earned bachelor's degrees in ; by the had risen to overTheir families, they insisted, needed the money they earned. They did not challenge male prerogatives in the prestigious professions, nor did they overtly demand a.
Although many states gave husbands control of the earnings women brought home and some barred women from certain occupations, working women in general took little notice of legislation concerning their right to jobs, to equal pay with men, or to constitutional protection against discrimination.
Advocates of civil rights for black Americans had no such problem. Faced with public demonstrations, retaliatory violence, and pressure from notable Americans, President Truman had taken a of steps to improve the lot of black Americans.
In December he had created a presidential committee on Ellesmere port sex models rights, which issued a report the following year; in he banned discrimination based on race in federal employment, and barred segregation in the armed services.
In December the newly formed Committee on Government Contract Compliance began to monitor federal contractors for discrimination. The National Woman's party demanded that women be included in Truman's executive orders, but the request was ignored.
None of the largely white women's organizations interested in the Equal Rights Amendment or other measures had tried to forge an alliance with civil rights groups; the NWP did not usually even support measures seeking to eliminate racial discrimination. Worse, it responded in anger to the notion that blacks would have rights denied to women.
Still, the federal measures undertaken on behalf of blacks served as models in the fight to eradicate similar problems for women.
Only months after Truman named his presidential committee on civil rights some women leaders made much the same proposal for women, as a way to meet the threat of the ERA. Aware of the activity of the National Woman's party and anxious about the continuing strength of the constitutional amendment, ERA opponents in decided to follow Eleanor Roosevelt's advice to construct a positive alternative piece of legislation, one that would eliminate "unfair" discrimination in the law without.
Wworth R-N. The members of the NCSW chose to offer an alternative "t resolution" rather than a constitutional amendment for several strategic reasons.
First, they believed that because a resolution required only a simple majority in each house of Congress, it would be easier to obtain than a constitutional amendment, which required a two-thirds majority in Congress and then approval by three-quarters of the state legislatures.
Second, they feared that any amendment they offered might itself be amended to resemble the ERA more closely than they would wish.
Finally, they felt that any constitutional amendment concerning women would invite litigation, and the outcome of a court fight could jeopardize the legislation they wished to safeguard.
The Status Bill had two main components. The first was an unusual statement of "policy" for the United States, one that sought to acknowledge the desire both to enhance women's autonomy and to reaffirm their connection to the family. Apparently presuming that the two aims were reconcilable, the Status Bill declared that "in law and its administration no distinctions on the basis of sex shall be made except such as are reasonably justified by differences in physical structure, biological, or social function.
The other key section seemed more unambiguously Crystal spa barrie at change. It created a Commission on the Legal Status of Women, composed of seven members appointed by the president, to "make a full and complete study.
According to its drafters, the bill constituted a compromise with the ERA.
They knew that the National Woman's party would not accept Katie holmes and joshua lakeland dating "Frankly the bill is not framed to win the support of individuals who would seem to be satisfied with nothing less than a declaration, in fundamental law, that women, however different from men in their physical structure, biological or social function, must be accorded, by governments, identical treatment with men.
With its policy statement, however, the bill could not serve as a compromise. If the law could take note of social function as well as physical structure and biological characteristics, virtually any discrimination could be justified. Even committed members of the Women's Bureau coalition took exception.
The executive secretary of the New York Women's Trade Union League wrote to its national office, Yokosuka dunstable nightlife supported the bill: "Please tell me, what is a social function of women as distinguished from a social function of men?
If you are implying that it is the social function of women to rear the children.
A continuation of this reasoning takes us into the question of equal pay. Esther Peterson of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers and Katherine Ellickson of the research department of the Congress of Industrial Organizations requested that a preliminary definition of "reasonable distinctions" be made to guide the presidential commission the bill proposed to establish.
ERA proponents expressed markedly less enthusiasm. The General Federation of Women's Clubs asserted that enough data on women existed to make the commission superfluous.
Nevertheless, proponents of the Status Bill regarded it as a method "to break the deadlock over the so-called Equal Rights Amendment.
So did some ERA supporters, such as the New York Herald Tribune, which argued that the commission would "inevitably" reach the conclusion that protective labor laws should be extended to men. The Women's Bureau lobbied actively for the bill, although the White House remained silent.
The Status Bill failed as an effort of conciliation. Solidly identified with anti-ERA forces, the paradoxical policy statement engendered enough controversy that Congress could hardly enact it in the interest of accommodation.
The ERA had been in both platforms, and both House and Senate judiciary committees were on record in favor of it.
Thus, in the spring ofboth committees once again reported the amendment favorably and postponed consideration of the Taft-Wworth measure. Action to remove the ERA from the parties' platforms also proved unavailing, thanks to the efforts of prominent party women in support of the measure.
The ERA was not an issue during the campaign. Beset within his party by objections to his civil rights measures and assaulted by Henry Wallace's new Progressive Party for his belligerent stance toward the Soviets, Harry Truman's defeat seemed assured. But much to everyone's surprise, Truman pulled the election out of the grasp of Republican Thomas E.
Dewey, and the Democrats regained control of both houses Massage sandyford midland 18 Congress although by only twelve votes in the Senate. India Edwards, who, as head of the Women's Division of the Democratic National Committee, had planned the program to get out the women's vote, emphasized inflation, not women's rights.
Relatively few women held or ran for public office. The new count revealed, however, that the ERA stood a reasonably good chance of passage in the Senate. In view of the lack of enthusiasm for the Status Bill, ERA opponents looked around for another measure that would provide either a positive alternative, or at least a way to maintain the status quo with respect to protective labor laws.
They devised such a safety catch in the Hayden amendment. Inwhen the National Woman's party first proposed a constitutional amendment guaranteeing equal rights for women, it had considered a proviso to exempt laws that applied to conditions of women's work, hoping to win support from the women's groups who advocated those laws.
It was a compromise unacceptable to both sides. The members of the Women's Bureau coalition found it insufficient protection, and the NWP, irritated by the coalition's response, declared that special laws for women ought to be eliminated because they restricted women's right to employment on their own terms.
A Wisconsin decision concerning an "equal rights" law passed in that state substantiated this view.
That law had included a clause exempting "special protections and privileges" for women, and in the state attorney general had ruled that the state could continue to forbid women to work as employees of the Wisconsin legislature because that job required "unseasonable" hours of work.
Nevertheless, adversaries of the ERA held to their view that the addition of a section to the ERA expressly exempting protective labor legislation would not prove adequate. In the solicitor of the Department of Labor had warned that too many kinds of protective laws existed—an amendment could not exempt them all: no matter how carefully such a provision were drafted, some desirable laws might yet be vulnerable to elimination through the ERA.
Moreover, the possibility existed that such an amendent to the ERA could be adopted by one house of Congress and then eliminated by the other.
Still, in the face. Proponents cited platform pledges, favorable committee reports, the support of well-known women's organizations, and the unfairness of discrimination based on sex. Opponents defended protective laws for women, cited labor opposition, and expressed fear of unknown consequences.
Senator Estes Kefauver D-Tenn. Senator Andrew Schoeppel R-Kans. Following instructions from the Women's Bureau, Hayden proposed that a new section be added to the ERA: "The provisions of this article shall not be construed to impair any rights, benefits, or exemptions conferred by law upon persons of the female sex.
In the few minutes remaining for debate, Claude Pepper D-Fla. The senators, however, eagerly took advantage of the opportunity to go on record in favor of both equal rights and special laws for women. They voted for the Hayden rider fifty-one to thirty-one and the ERA sixty-three to nineteen, well over the two-thirds vote required for a constitutional amendment.
The Hayden amendment caught ERA adherents by surprise. Margaret Chase Smith R-Me. Katharine St. George R-N. ERA adversaries considered the amendment with the Hayden rider only slightly less objectionable than the unaltered version, but ERA proponents repudiated it completely: in their view, the rider effectively negated the body of the amendment.
The liberal New Yorker had become committee chair inand he had no intention of allowing the ERA to reach the House floor even in its amended form. George had collected enough atures of representatives to discharge Celler's committee, but fear of the Hayden amendment led her to withdraw her petition.
ERA opponents had succeeded in finding a technique to undercut the ideal of complete legal equality for women. The Hayden amendment proved unbeatable, so long as no outside social or political impetus pressured Congress to choose unequivocally between equal treatment for women or a legally defined special family responsibility.
If forced to vote on the measure, members of Massage sex lexington could now have it both ways: equality and special privileges for women.
Moreover, with the Hayden rider, the ERA proved unacceptable to Lethbridge of the orient city initial backers, making it unlikely to pass—the outcome the anti-ERA forces desired most.
If it were to pass, the rider offered a safeguard for the legislation they deemed essential to the welfare of women workers. ERA advocates were stymied. Eleanor Roosevelt, now at Prostitution pictures in batley United Nations and sensitive to the international implications of constitutional equality for women, backpedaled on her long-standing objection to the amendment, but it made no difference.
President Truman stayed out of the crossfire. With no genuine support for an amended ERA, and with no grassroots enthusiasm for a radical change in women's legal status, stalemate was a foregone conclusion.
The NWP therefore looked to. The NWP and other ERA supporters were optimistic after the Republican victory because they believed that Republicans would be less sensitive to pressure from women labor activists.
Indeed, retention of the antilabor Taft-Hartley Act had been a campaign issue, with the Republicans coming out in favor of keeping it.
In addition, Republicans had a longer history of support for the ERA, as the first party to introduce it in Congress in and the first, into include support for the amendment in its platform.
But President Eisenhower held very conservative social views, and the Eisenhower period was profoundly one of social consolidation. Eisenhower eschewed a deliberately conceived and openly executed program aimed at social reform.
In the Supreme Court decreed, in Brown v. Board of Education, that states could no longer segregate children by race in the public schools.
Rather than welcoming this overdue gesture in support of racial equality, Eisenhower was angered by the decision and its intentional initiation of such broad social change by federal action. Confronted with overt resistance to the federal system on the part of some Southern states, Eisenhower took action against the segregationists only when national integrity appeared genuinely threatened.
Eisenhower disliked overt social manipulation by the federal government, but measures passed by Congress—as federal aid for education and home and highway construction—wrought extraordinary alterations in the country's landscape and demographics. Government support of industry included a massive influx of federal dollars, all in the name of defense, into the chemical, aerospace, electronics, and computer industries, creating thousands more white-collar jobs for women to fill.
The money built the economy. Between and the GNP increased more than twofold, and per capita income rose 35 percent. By nine million families had become new home. More than ever before, Americans were suburban white-collar workers, well educated and well off.
Although Eisenhower insisted that government should be restrained, he did give small s of promise to ERA supporters.
Miller had been only the second director in the bureau's thirty-year history, and by tradition bureau directors did not change with a change in administration.
Mary Anderson, appointed by the Democratic president Woodrow Wilson, had stayed through three Republican administrations. The Women's Bureau had long been the exclusive terrain of the liberal reformers and labor women who had lobbied for its creation, and Miller and her colleagues were not only hurt when she was replaced but also alarmed.
Eisenhower's action suggested that the bureau would become less closely tied to its constituents and, therefore, presumably less a champion of women's welfare and more a tool of the administration.
Mary Anderson had been a trade unionist; Miller had worked with Sex in sanford san lucas National Consumers League before accepting an appointment as Industrial Commissioner in the New York State government a post Frances Perkins had filled before her.
Each represented a wing of the Women's Bureau coalition, devoted to the welfare of working-class women. Leopold's career differed sharply.
A businesswoman, she had started out as personnel director for a department store and then had owned ren's toy company. Active in Republican politics, she had won a seat in the Connecticut state legislature and gone on to become Connecticut's secretary of state in She was not unsympathetic to women's labor issues and had in fact authored Connecticut's equal pay law; she had also championed protective labor legislation.
But she shifted the perspective of the Women's Bureau. For the first time, the bureau devoted part of its resources to the examination of issues concerning professional women. Alice Paul thought that Leopold herself supported the amendment but that she could not make an unambiguous state.
Leopold never did champion the measure, but she did consistently refuse to take any action to oppose the bill, and by stating on several occasions to ERA opponents and supporters, as well as to members of Congress, that the bureau no longer took a position against the ERA, she left a gaping hole in the leadership against the measure.
To the disappointment of ERA sponsors, however, her position made little difference with respect to the fate of the measure.